China Lays Out Ambitious Vault To Net-Zero Carbon Economy

CHINA’S PATH TO ‘peak carbon’ by 2030 and becoming a net-zero carbon economy by 2060 is dubbed 1+N — one overarching blueprint and n number of implementing policies. On October 24, we got the ‘1’ in the form of a guidance document jointly released by the Party’s Central Committee and the State Council.

All future policy decisions on economic planning, macroeconomic adjustment and industrial policies will have to be compatible with the blueprint, which contains objectives and timelines for broad areas of the economy, including heavy industry, energy, transport, construction and finance.

The headline objective is raising non-fossil fuels share of energy consumption to at least 80% by 2060, a fivefold increase from 2020’s level, with a timeline for non-fossil fuels to hit a 20% share by 2025 and 25% by 2030. Both interim targets have been previously announced, but not the 2060 one.

Even before the current electricity shortages, coal accounted for approaching 60% of energy consumption, so scaling that back will be a dramatic change, and one being undertaken slowly.

Over the past five years, non-fossil fuels have been increasing their share of energy consumption by barely half a percentage point a year. That will need to be accelerated to triple that rate if the goal of creating a ‘green, low-carbon and circular economic system’ is to be met.

That is not only a question of increasing non-fossil fuel energy generation. It also means structural changes to industry and consumption to make the economy less energy-intensive. To have any hope of achieving its goals, Beijing will have to oversee the world’s largest reduction in carbon intensity.

As well as the coal, oil, and gas industries, chemical and petrochemical producers and steel makers can expect close attention from authorities regarding their energy efficiency.

The risks to economic growth inherent in a full-blown green transition are recognised. He Lifeng, head of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), the top economic planning agency, says carbon reduction must be balanced with ensuring the security of industrial output and supply chains and, in what appears to be a nod to recent power outages, disruption to ‘people’s everyday lives’.

A leading group was established under the NDRC in May to guide and coordinate the transition. Yet, much of the implementation will depend on provincial and municipal authorities, and provinces will get some latitude over timing depending on the industrial structures.

However, local officials are on notice that their performance will be judged on their success in meeting their carbon reduction targets. Those who fall short can expect the same criticisms that came the way of officials who failed to meet economic growth targets when they were the benchmark. Officials will, no doubt, get as creative over emissions reductions accounting as they were with growth.

The guidance promises financial carrots as well as administrative sticks. Beijing is considering creating a national fund to promote the transition to a low carbon economy. That would likely support the development of carbon sinks, carbon capture and storage, and other carbon removal mechanisms.

An expansion of the national carbon trading market is all but inevitable. Supportive central banking (e.g., incorporating green credit into macroprudential assessment) and development of the green finance sector are also mentioned in the guidance.

So, too, is the encouragement of private investment in low-carbon industries. Banks and other financial institutions will be guided to provide long-term, low-cost funds for green and low-carbon projects. Policy banks will play a core role in underpinning long-term stable financing to support the green transition, which will not fail for lack of a plan.

This Bystander expects further details to emerge during the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow that starts at the end of this week.

Power Cuts Highlight China’s Decarbonisation Challenge

REPEATED POWER BLACKOUTS are a sign of misfiring economic management that does not reflect well on governments. Electricity shortages have hit many regions of China over the past month, affecting manufacturing, traffic and street lighting, and homes, often without warning. Sixteen out of 31 provinces have begun rationing electricity, and the northeast faces the prospect of power cuts running through the winter.

The power shortages are the consequence of a combination of contradictory policies: moves to improve energy efficiency and cut consumption in support of carbon reduction goals, and fitful reform of the largely coal-fired power generation sector where long-standing subsidies and price controls cannot withstand the rise in global coal prices, leaving power plants short on fuel.

Provinces’ implementation of obligatory emission-reduction targets imposed on them by central government has been haphazard, varying from draconian to lax. In addition, the 3% reduction target for energy intensity for 2021 has also got ahead of the planning process.

The 14th five-year plan (2021-25) mandates targets for improving energy intensity (energy consumption per unit of GDP) and reducing CO2 emissions per unit of GDP. There is also a binding minimum target for the domestic energy supply from all sources of 4.6 billion tonnes of standard coal equivalent (versus 4.86 billion in 2019), but no caps on carbon emissions and coal consumption, and only an aspirational goal to increase the share of non-fossil-fuels in total energy consumption.

The 14th Five-Year Plan for Energy, likely to be published around or after the COP26 summit in Scotland in November, will provide provincial and municipal governments with a more detailed road map. However, that will cover the years through to 2025 and not show the full path to the 2060 net carbon neutrality target date. However, until they have that road map, Chinese and foreign firms operating in China will delay drawing up the emissions reduction strategies that are likely to be required.

The current energy intensity target has also run headlong into China’s infrastructure-investment pandemic stimulus and export- and industry-driven recovery. Factories have put filling orders now, with the consequent surge in demand for power, ahead of improving their energy efficiency.

Last year, primary energy consumption rose 2.1%, coal consumption 0.6% and carbon emissions 0.3%, whereas energy consumption and emissions declined in almost every other economy. The trends have accelerated into 2021.

Beijing is now having to arrange emergency coal supplies for fuel-short provinces and marshall the distribution grid for inter-provincial power-sharing.

The power situation illustrates the costs Beijing will have to shoulder politically and economically if President Xi Jinping’s decarbonisation goals are to be met, and more generally in structurally changing the economy for the next phase of economic development.

Achieving both will mean slower growth, which will have political as well as economic management dimensions. All but the wealthiest provinces are still industrialising, reliant on energy-intensive infrastructure and industries for growth and jobs, and remain fossil-fuel dependent. Xi has also set a goal of doubling the economy over the next quarter-century, implying 4% annual growth.

Yet even with modest growth rates reducing energy demand, technological advances in energy efficiency and the fledgling national carbon trading market taking wing, it will still require rigorous enforcement of central government policies to change the country’s energy mix to lessen its dependence on fossil fuels. As the efforts to impose energy intensity standards are now showing, provincial and local officials will readily foot drag or worse in implementing Beijing’s policies when it is in their interests to do so.

As with many aspects of rebalancing, the tight networking of local officials and local industries provides inherent resistance to policy direction from the centre. This is exacerbated by many of the major players in energy, including the oil companies, major power generators, the two grid companies and industrial consumers such as steel and cement manufacturers, are state-owned enterprises with size and political influence, especially at the local level.

China is far from alone in having to deal with the conflicting tensions between climate mitigation measures and jobs and economic growth. Beijing has prioritised the former of late, but continuing to do will require sufficient political will at high enough levels of the leadership. That will continue to exist until it does not because the political calculations have changed.

China Commits To Its First Firm Carbon Target

If the U.N.’s Copenhagen Climate Summit does only one thing, it will have been to get China to commit to its first firm target to curb greenhouse gas emissions. Unfortunately, the goal that Prime Minister Wen Jiabao will take to Copenhagen doesn’t amount to much — to achieve by 2020 a 40%-50% cut in the 2005 levels of the amount of carbon dioxide emitted for each unit of GDP produced.

Carbon intensity goals are open-ended in as much as the volume of greenhouse gas emissions is a function of growth and energy efficiency. Beijing plans to have more of both, so its total emissions will likely rise. Also the goal is in line with what is already happening in China after a five-year drive to become more energy efficient.  It is already almost half way to hitting it.

That is not to say that any target isn’t welcome; it certainly is to the organizers of the flagging Copenhagen conference, who in the past 48 hours have now got the world’s two biggest polluting nations, the U.S. and China, to agree to at least nominal targets. China’s announcement is also a shot in the arm for carbon trading markets, another area where Beijing thinks it can steal a march over Washington.