China Half-Heartedly Falling In Behind Kim To Head World Bank

Kim Yong Jim, U.S. nominee for President of the World Bank, March 2012One way to look at Jim Yong Kim (left), the U.S.’s surprise nominee to be the next president of the World Bank, is that he represents a transition from the leadership of the multilateral development agency being a Washington sinecure to a merit-based selection from developing countries. That is how it seems to be being seen in Beijing. Kim’s nomination “demonstrated that [U.S. President Barack Obama] has begun to take heed of the demands from the developing world for an expanded role within the global institution,” Xinhua said in a commentary.

Kim, though a U.S. citizen, is Korean-born. Currently president of one of American’s elite Ivy League universities, Dartmouth College, he is a health professional with long experience in the developing world, including running the HIV/AIDS department at the World Health Organization. More importantly, he is neither a Washington nor Wall Street retread.

One reason for the post-World War II gentleman’s agreement between the U.S. and Europe that the former would get to put an American in as head the World Bank and the later a European as managing director of the IMF, was that the Bank needed to secure the confidence of Wall Street, then its primary supplier of capital. That world has changed. Washington’s gift of the Bank’s presidency, along with Europe’s of the IMF’s managing directorship, is a 20th century convenience but a 21st century anachronism.

Kim is one of three candidates. Nigeria’s finance minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and Colombia’s former finance minister, Jose Antonio Ocampo, are the other two. Such is the voting structure of the Bank that it would take a broad-based European veto to block Kim. Even in the highly unlikely event of that happening, the U.S. could, in turn, veto either of the other two candidates. A new Bank president needs a supermajority of the Bank’s executive directors, 25 representatives of its member nations with voting power weighted in accordance to the capital they subscribe to the Bank.

Beijing has yet to tip its hand publicly. The decision it has to take is whether to get behind what looks to the winning horse, in the expectation that Kim may introduce further reform in the governance of the Bank from which China would be a beneficiary, perhaps the big winner, or to stand by one of the other two candidates in a show of developing-nation solidarity, though that would force it to make a choice between its friends in Africa and those in Latin America. We expect Beijing to go, along with the Europeans, with the first choice. The biggest hint in that direction came earlier this month from central bank governor Zhou Xiaochuan. He said that it wasn’t worth paying much attention to the selection of a new head of the Bank as the job had always gone to an American. Coverage in state media has been correspondingly light and scarcely more interested.

As others have pointed out, the World Bank matters less to China now than China does to the World Bank. It may also matter less to the world than China. The commentator and academic, Martin Jacques, captures the point succinctly: “in 2009 and 2010 the China Development Bank and the China Exim Bank lent more to the developing world than the World Bank”.

It is telling that Beijing didn’t put a candidate of its own forward, nor was one of its own, save perhaps for Zhou, much talked about even as an outside possibility. The prize Beijing has its eye on is the top job at the IMF.

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